Since May, when the last article of this series was published, most people may feel that more months have passed, but no, it’s been just one. Here’s a brief overview organized in a hierarchy that keeps the key points at its center.
First off, the Democratic Party of Albania has once again become the Democratic Party of Albania. We still don’t know whether the "Re-establishment" label will be set aside or mentioned again, but that saga of seals and keys is over, and things can now continue on their old course, from which they never really strayed.
However, developments within the Democratic Party (DP) haven’t been without interest. After the triumphant decision by the Court of Appeals granting the Berisha group the legal right to the party, the DP's team proudly presented itself, led by Flamur Noka at the forefront. Noka, who had spearheaded several parliamentary actions, stood alongside Gazmend Bardhi and others. Noka even gave a speech praising the court's decision before the numerous cameras, saying nice things about the judges.
Despite his energy and long experience within the DP, Flamur Noka doesn’t quite fit the profile of a politician desirable for party leadership, even as a temporary replacement for the great Berisha. This is widely recognized. His presence at the forefront only highlights how far the party remains from finding any sort of permanent solution.
The DP is in urgent need of fostering a reserve of new leaders who can inject energy and a fresh image ahead of future elections. On the other hand, Berisha is within his rights to delay introducing such a move for as long as possible. Premature exposure of a new group of leaders to the dissatisfaction of the “old guard” could be damaging. Meanwhile, it’s crucial for the current leadership’s protest within institutions to keep the movement alive. In fact, despite their struggles, the Democrats are managing to maintain some kind of presence in the country's political life. I believe this is largely due to a clear and deep divide among voters between the two main parties.
In this context, it’s worth considering Berisha’s role. Just recently, Democratic leaders cited him as the person who would make the final decision about the party's involvement in the anti-corruption commission after the forums failed to reach a conclusion. Only Berisha has the authority to negotiate the rise of a rejuvenated leadership. He will need to strike a balance between the loyalty he demands from the emerging leadership and their ability to propose and market an opposition government. From the confines of his apartment, he may still hold onto his position as leader, but he must now realize that only a strong DP can protect him and his own from the looming legal-political-economic challenges.
The limited appearances of Democratic leaders at the doors of SPAK (the Special Anti-Corruption Structure), with only a few exceptions, is a positive asset. Even the infamous "Partizani coffee," which keeps the former Prime Minister and President confined, is not such a tragic crime. For similar offenses, Rama wouldn’t have been allowed to leave his bathroom. Meanwhile, the Socialists are facing a whirlwind of various scandals for which, in a just world, they would pay the appropriate price.
Wrapping up this topic, it must be acknowledged that leadership shifts within the Democratic Party do arouse curiosity. However, the party itself still doesn’t evoke the kind of urgency needed amid the media storm. The DP continues to suffer from financial constraints, often reflected in the faces of its leaders. It has yet to show the strength that would inspire confidence in the electoral process. The party also struggles with a lack of international support, as shown by the much-trumpeted non-removal of the "non-grata" designation by the United Kingdom—a marketing move, yes, but still a sign of the party's lack of international political weight. Even the Greeks, who might soon sponsor the DP, will need to find ways to channel support without provoking nationalistic sentiments. Meanwhile, the party has little to offer important actors like the Muslim community, which has already found a way to communicate with the Socialists. Additionally, Berisha surely has another dozen or so cases for which he may be called to account. The issues the British raised as reasons for maintaining their stance are of obvious interest. Fazlliç’s exposure reveals his Serbian ties, while an organized crime figure’s involvement in his political activities exposes other links. Berisha’s family members are mentioned in connection with their benefits. Meanwhile, Mediu comes and goes from SPAK due to the Gërdec case, and it remains to be seen whom he will take down with him.
In time, alliances will undoubtedly grow. What’s needed is proof that victory can be achieved and defended.
As for the opposition, we must also mention Ilir Meta. The leader of the Freedom Party has noticeably ramped up his rhetoric, but we’ve yet to see him deploy any real weapons. His latest call was for citizens to take up Kalashnikovs and defend themselves from the narco-state regime of the Renaissance, but what we are really waiting for from him are denunciations, names, events, places, and times—videos like his own. He needs to expose the relationships between his bandits and those of the Socialists. After all, Edi's boys have their own guns.
Meanwhile, the Socialists have had quite the June, full of events. As they celebrate the 33rd anniversary of the party’s re-establishment, they also expanded their base by welcoming 29,357 new members. Although they didn’t meet the March target of 50,000 new members, Rama can still be pleased.
Taxes are being collected, roads are being paved, justice is advancing, tourism is growing, salaries for the administration are rising, and steps are being taken to boost profits and investments in the construction sector, among other areas.
The challenges of governance in Albania, as always, have a significant impact on foreign relations. The situation abroad no longer looks as rosy as it once did. The victory of the right-wing parties in European elections, with a strengthened far-right presence in the European Parliament, will have its consequences. Although Albanian Socialists hold no ideological beliefs that would prevent them from shaking any extended hand in friendship, the number of hands might dwindle. The charisma of the prime minister may allow flexibility in diplomacy, but the lack of a clearer objective weakens and disorients the diplomatic corps.
Rama’s interview for the Italian left-leaning state channel, RAI3, was far from pleasant. Lacking solid arguments in response to specific accusations, Rama had to rely more on his sharp wit than it could bear. The accusations of money laundering in the construction sector are troubling because they might hold water. Even before, when Rama tried to introduce a fiscal amnesty, he faced resistance from the Europeans, who may tolerate organized crime profits (even if they're Albanian) but can’t stand money flowing out of their own countries. On the other hand, the exchange of local assets for friendships with high-ranking foreign politicians, as in the case of D’Alema or the Italian Interior Minister in Meloni’s government, is utterly unacceptable. Rama’s rapprochement with Italy’s prime minister is also baffling. Giorgia Meloni, the leader of a reformed neo-fascist party, may harbor some sympathy for the tall Albanian Socialist, but in the end, the objectives of her party and government are unlikely to align closely with those of the Albanians.
Inserting Albania into the messy discourse of survivalist immigration is thoughtless and out of control. On June 17, the BBC published a lengthy article detailing how the Greeks, trying to curb the influx of immigrants from Africa and the Middle East, are reportedly drowning them at sea. Although we know the Greeks can be drastic in addressing such issues, we cannot ignore similar examples from Italy. Rama's fantasy of carefully planned reception camps, where rural Lezha residents will sell tomatoes, is likely to clash with an onslaught of urgent realities. A massive crowd of desperate, traumatized people will end up camped in tents, hungry, thirsty, and surrounded by misery, leading to deviance that will inevitably make its way onto the evening news.
As Rama leaned on his sharp rhetoric, he even adopted Meloni's discourse, arguing that Europeans should not pressure Italy to accept more migrants and not sink their boats but rather allow them to improve their own countries' economies—thus avoiding the centuries-old habit of exploiting African lands. This argument particularly stings the French, who, to be honest, are a bit greedy and unscrupulous when it comes to extracting resources from the sun-bathed lands of the “blacks.” (Meloni trumpeted this argument quite loudly after Macron had scolded the Italians for their unsavory treatment of boatloads of people crammed into rubber dinghies.)
The friendship of Italy's right-wingers in the European Parliament might benefit Rama, but overall, what we can expect on the reshaped political scene is (i) a slowdown in European integration processes, (ii) a tightening of EU funds for projects, (iii) greater scrutiny of Albania’s use of EU funds, and (iv) an increase in Russian influence in European forums (considering that the far-right across Europe is generally more favorable to Putin). In Austria and Germany, far-right extremists are regularly accused of spying for Russian services, while in other Eastern European countries, such influence can be directly integrated into government policies.
This remains to be seen. Meanwhile, Erion Veliaj, a prominent Socialist, is still being shaken by rabble-rousers. Veliaj continues his song of “the best Tirana of all time,” but he’s also been called for a brief recital at SPAK, where some of his close associates remain locked up since the last article, having had far too much appetite.
As mentioned earlier, the Socialists have created a commission to aid the fight against corruption. The commission aims to support the Anti-Corruption Court and the Special Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office (
SPAK). However, it appears to be a political stunt since these institutions should operate independently of politics. How much can politics intervene in its work? This is what we will see in the coming months.
First off, the Democratic Party of Albania has once again become the Democratic Party of Albania. We still don’t know whether the "Re-establishment" label will be set aside or mentioned again, but that saga of seals and keys is over, and things can now continue on their old course, from which they never really strayed.
However, developments within the Democratic Party (DP) haven’t been without interest. After the triumphant decision by the Court of Appeals granting the Berisha group the legal right to the party, the DP's team proudly presented itself, led by Flamur Noka at the forefront. Noka, who had spearheaded several parliamentary actions, stood alongside Gazmend Bardhi and others. Noka even gave a speech praising the court's decision before the numerous cameras, saying nice things about the judges.
Despite his energy and long experience within the DP, Flamur Noka doesn’t quite fit the profile of a politician desirable for party leadership, even as a temporary replacement for the great Berisha. This is widely recognized. His presence at the forefront only highlights how far the party remains from finding any sort of permanent solution.
The DP is in urgent need of fostering a reserve of new leaders who can inject energy and a fresh image ahead of future elections. On the other hand, Berisha is within his rights to delay introducing such a move for as long as possible. Premature exposure of a new group of leaders to the dissatisfaction of the “old guard” could be damaging. Meanwhile, it’s crucial for the current leadership’s protest within institutions to keep the movement alive. In fact, despite their struggles, the Democrats are managing to maintain some kind of presence in the country's political life. I believe this is largely due to a clear and deep divide among voters between the two main parties.
In this context, it’s worth considering Berisha’s role. Just recently, Democratic leaders cited him as the person who would make the final decision about the party's involvement in the anti-corruption commission after the forums failed to reach a conclusion. Only Berisha has the authority to negotiate the rise of a rejuvenated leadership. He will need to strike a balance between the loyalty he demands from the emerging leadership and their ability to propose and market an opposition government. From the confines of his apartment, he may still hold onto his position as leader, but he must now realize that only a strong DP can protect him and his own from the looming legal-political-economic challenges.
The limited appearances of Democratic leaders at the doors of SPAK (the Special Anti-Corruption Structure), with only a few exceptions, is a positive asset. Even the infamous "Partizani coffee," which keeps the former Prime Minister and President confined, is not such a tragic crime. For similar offenses, Rama wouldn’t have been allowed to leave his bathroom. Meanwhile, the Socialists are facing a whirlwind of various scandals for which, in a just world, they would pay the appropriate price.
Wrapping up this topic, it must be acknowledged that leadership shifts within the Democratic Party do arouse curiosity. However, the party itself still doesn’t evoke the kind of urgency needed amid the media storm. The DP continues to suffer from financial constraints, often reflected in the faces of its leaders. It has yet to show the strength that would inspire confidence in the electoral process. The party also struggles with a lack of international support, as shown by the much-trumpeted non-removal of the "non-grata" designation by the United Kingdom—a marketing move, yes, but still a sign of the party's lack of international political weight. Even the Greeks, who might soon sponsor the DP, will need to find ways to channel support without provoking nationalistic sentiments. Meanwhile, the party has little to offer important actors like the Muslim community, which has already found a way to communicate with the Socialists. Additionally, Berisha surely has another dozen or so cases for which he may be called to account. The issues the British raised as reasons for maintaining their stance are of obvious interest. Fazlliç’s exposure reveals his Serbian ties, while an organized crime figure’s involvement in his political activities exposes other links. Berisha’s family members are mentioned in connection with their benefits. Meanwhile, Mediu comes and goes from SPAK due to the Gërdec case, and it remains to be seen whom he will take down with him.
In time, alliances will undoubtedly grow. What’s needed is proof that victory can be achieved and defended.
As for the opposition, we must also mention Ilir Meta. The leader of the Freedom Party has noticeably ramped up his rhetoric, but we’ve yet to see him deploy any real weapons. His latest call was for citizens to take up Kalashnikovs and defend themselves from the narco-state regime of the Renaissance, but what we are really waiting for from him are denunciations, names, events, places, and times—videos like his own. He needs to expose the relationships between his bandits and those of the Socialists. After all, Edi's boys have their own guns.
Meanwhile, the Socialists have had quite the June, full of events. As they celebrate the 33rd anniversary of the party’s re-establishment, they also expanded their base by welcoming 29,357 new members. Although they didn’t meet the March target of 50,000 new members, Rama can still be pleased.
Taxes are being collected, roads are being paved, justice is advancing, tourism is growing, salaries for the administration are rising, and steps are being taken to boost profits and investments in the construction sector, among other areas.
The challenges of governance in Albania, as always, have a significant impact on foreign relations. The situation abroad no longer looks as rosy as it once did. The victory of the right-wing parties in European elections, with a strengthened far-right presence in the European Parliament, will have its consequences. Although Albanian Socialists hold no ideological beliefs that would prevent them from shaking any extended hand in friendship, the number of hands might dwindle. The charisma of the prime minister may allow flexibility in diplomacy, but the lack of a clearer objective weakens and disorients the diplomatic corps.
Rama’s interview for the Italian left-leaning state channel, RAI3, was far from pleasant. Lacking solid arguments in response to specific accusations, Rama had to rely more on his sharp wit than it could bear. The accusations of money laundering in the construction sector are troubling because they might hold water. Even before, when Rama tried to introduce a fiscal amnesty, he faced resistance from the Europeans, who may tolerate organized crime profits (even if they're Albanian) but can’t stand money flowing out of their own countries. On the other hand, the exchange of local assets for friendships with high-ranking foreign politicians, as in the case of D’Alema or the Italian Interior Minister in Meloni’s government, is utterly unacceptable. Rama’s rapprochement with Italy’s prime minister is also baffling. Giorgia Meloni, the leader of a reformed neo-fascist party, may harbor some sympathy for the tall Albanian Socialist, but in the end, the objectives of her party and government are unlikely to align closely with those of the Albanians.
Inserting Albania into the messy discourse of survivalist immigration is thoughtless and out of control. On June 17, the BBC published a lengthy article detailing how the Greeks, trying to curb the influx of immigrants from Africa and the Middle East, are reportedly drowning them at sea. Although we know the Greeks can be drastic in addressing such issues, we cannot ignore similar examples from Italy. Rama's fantasy of carefully planned reception camps, where rural Lezha residents will sell tomatoes, is likely to clash with an onslaught of urgent realities. A massive crowd of desperate, traumatized people will end up camped in tents, hungry, thirsty, and surrounded by misery, leading to deviance that will inevitably make its way onto the evening news.
As Rama leaned on his sharp rhetoric, he even adopted Meloni's discourse, arguing that Europeans should not pressure Italy to accept more migrants and not sink their boats but rather allow them to improve their own countries' economies—thus avoiding the centuries-old habit of exploiting African lands. This argument particularly stings the French, who, to be honest, are a bit greedy and unscrupulous when it comes to extracting resources from the sun-bathed lands of the “blacks.” (Meloni trumpeted this argument quite loudly after Macron had scolded the Italians for their unsavory treatment of boatloads of people crammed into rubber dinghies.)
The friendship of Italy's right-wingers in the European Parliament might benefit Rama, but overall, what we can expect on the reshaped political scene is (i) a slowdown in European integration processes, (ii) a tightening of EU funds for projects, (iii) greater scrutiny of Albania’s use of EU funds, and (iv) an increase in Russian influence in European forums (considering that the far-right across Europe is generally more favorable to Putin). In Austria and Germany, far-right extremists are regularly accused of spying for Russian services, while in other Eastern European countries, such influence can be directly integrated into government policies.
This remains to be seen. Meanwhile, Erion Veliaj, a prominent Socialist, is still being shaken by rabble-rousers. Veliaj continues his song of “the best Tirana of all time,” but he’s also been called for a brief recital at SPAK, where some of his close associates remain locked up since the last article, having had far too much appetite.
As mentioned earlier, the Socialists have created a commission to aid the fight against corruption. The commission aims to support the Anti-Corruption Court and the Special Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office (
SPAK). However, it appears to be a political stunt since these institutions should operate independently of politics. How much can politics intervene in its work? This is what we will see in the coming months.
RSS Feed